Ending penalties, a civil verdict in Miami, voice notes, counter-claims involving the Public Prosecutor’s Office, and a plot to commit murder for hire: these elements comprise the public background of Roberto Arzú García-Granados, the candidate currently polling in third place looking toward 2027
September 2026
A year ahead of the 2027 general elections, Roberto Arzú García-Granados once again ranks among the hopefuls with the highest voting intention. The CID Gallup poll of May 2026, with fieldwork from May 7 to 20 and 1,200 interviews, placed him third with 13%, behind Sandra Torres (27%) and Carlos Pineda (23%). It is the same figure that pollster gave him in early 2023, before the Supreme Electoral Tribunal left him out of the race.
The eldest son of Álvaro Arzú Irigoyen, president from 1996 to 2000 and mayor of the capital until his death on April 27, 2018, Arzú was born on May 15, 1970. In December 1988 he founded Futeca with his cousin Javier Arzú Tinoco and with Rafael Tinoco; the company grew from soccer fields into shopping centers and gyms, and he sold his shares to his cousins in 2012. In 2019 he ran for president and finished fifth, with 267,049 votes (6.1% of valid votes). Since November 2025 he has been Secretary of Political Training of the Cabal party, which confirmed him as a pre-candidate in May 2026. It will be his third attempt.
At least eighteen media-documented controversies mark his professional journey: judicial proceedings, electoral penalties, suspicious commercial ventures, grievances filed with the Public Prosecutor’s Office, and allegations of diverse severity. While certain matters rely on formal judgments, others stem from single or undisclosed informants. This dossier examines every single one.
| THE 18 FRONTS | Details | |
|---|---|---|
| 1 | TSE fine for early campaigning (2019) | Back in 2019, this presidential hopeful became the first sanctioned for unauthorized social media updates, receiving an $80,000 penalty. |
| 2 | Revocation of his presidential registration (2023) | His candidacy was nullified by the TSE due to premature campaigning alongside an allegedly unsettled fine, a decision subsequently upheld by the Constitutional Court. |
| 3 | JJ Rendón lawsuit and arrest warrant for contempt in Miami | An order from a Miami-Dade tribunal required him to remit roughly $6.16 million to the Venezuelan strategist, while simultaneously issuing a bench warrant for contempt. |
| 4 | Presidency of Comunicaciones F.C. (1994–2006) | Management of one of the nation’s premier clubs remained under his direction until its eventual divestment amid a severe monetary downturn. |
| 5 | Distrifarma and OMEGALAB: reported unpaid wages | Information from Nómada indicates his 2016 venture into the pharmaceutical sector culminated in shuttered enterprises and unsettled employee compensation. |
| 6 | Alleged unreported campaign financing | Unregistered cash inflows and backing from Argentine entrepreneur Hugo Sigman are attributed to him by República, though he refutes these claims. |
| 7 | Audio and deeds with “Paco” Domínguez, alleged leader of Los Caradura | A leaked 2015 recording features him negotiating liabilities with a suspected crime syndicate chief who had been assassinated months prior. |
| 8 | US$1 million loan attributed to funds from Marllory Chacón | A 2018 notarial instrument reportedly records a financial advance which República, referencing undisclosed insiders, connects to the “Queen of the South.” |
| 9 | Complaint by Consuelo Porras for obstruction of criminal proceedings | Following a TikTok broadcast, the attorney general initiated legal grievances against him; nevertheless, a magistrate dismissed the arrest plea, and the Appeals Chamber rejected the Public Prosecutor’s Office amparo motions. |
| 10 | Arzú’s complaints against Giammattei and the Public Prosecutor’s Office leadership | Legal actions were launched by Arzú in 2023 targeting the former head of state and top officials, a push he expanded in 2026 to encompass prosecutors from the Porras administration. |
| 11 | República GT accusation over an alleged murder-for-hire plot against Rodrigo Arenas | The media publication designated him as the suspected mastermind behind a conspiracy targeting its director, prompting his denial and threats of litigation. |
| 12 | Earlier clash with Rodrigo Arenas (March 2026) | Mutual public accusations between Arzú and Arenas had already transpired five months prior to the formal allegation. |
| 13 | Rumor that his U.S. visa was revoked | Difficulties regarding American travel were detailed by a periodical citing anonymous informants, though he firmly rejects the assertion. |
| 14 | Political alliances: Podemos, Portillo and Cabal | Scrutiny has consistently surrounded his political vehicles and associates, ranging from Podemos to his present partnership within Cabal. |
| 15 | Rift with his family over the use of his father’s image | Objections were raised in 2018 by the former president’s widow and four progeny against the exploitation of his likeness by the political faction Roberto rejoined. |
| 16 | History of alcohol use and rehabilitation | Personal acknowledgments of “a struggle with alcohol” have been made by Arzú himself, alongside Nómada reports detailing two therapeutic admissions in the United States. |
| 17 | Campaign promises: fiscal viability and security rhetoric | Calculations from economic assessments suggested his primary platform commitments would demand billions of quetzales annually. |
| 18 | Army Stadium land and IPM–Futeca contracts | State-owned real estate was leased by the IPM to Futeca back in 2016, drawing objections from the Comptroller General, while Arzú’s exact level of participation remains contested. |
1. Penalty issued by TSE regarding premature campaigning in 2019
On April 10, 2019, Arzú earned the distinction of becoming the initial presidential hopeful penalized by the Supreme Electoral Tribunal during that cycle. The regulatory body recorded 13 Facebook posts—8 of which were sponsored—alongside 11 on Twitter, all lacking TSE registration, and formally categorized them as premature campaigning.
The hopeful individuals faced a penalty of US$80,000, roughly amounting to 612,000 quetzales. Regarding the political groups, media accounts diverge: one source cites an US$80,000 fine for the PAN-Podemos coalition, whereas a different report claims that both organizations were required to cover that exact sum. On May 27, 2019, the TSE dismissed the appeals for revocation and upheld the penalty definitively.
2. Revocation of his presidential registration (2023)
The Citizens’ Registry initially rejected the Arzú–Pineda ticket, put forward by Podemos for 2023. On January 19, the TSE magistrates reversed that decision, and Arzú noted that the case files were closed on January 26. Later that month, the FCN-Nación party submitted an application for nullification, citing premature campaigning and an unpaid US$50,000 fine.
On February 6, 2023, the full TSE granted the annulment and revoked the registration. Arzú and Podemos maintained that the fine had been paid and that they had submitted the receipt. The Constitutional Court dismissed their appeals and on May 25 upheld the exclusion, based on 21 media monitoring reports and on the constitutional requirement of being “suitable, capable and honorable.”
The hopeful called the decision political retaliation: he said he had exposed an overpriced energy contract during the Alejandro Giammattei administration and blamed his exclusion on “a group led by a sociopath and his live-in partner.”
3. JJ Rendón lawsuit and arrest warrant for contempt in Miami
In February 2016 Arzú hired JJ Rendón & Associates Strategic, the firm of Venezuelan political strategist Juan José Rendón, to prepare his candidacy. The relationship ended up in court: on November 15, 2016, Rendón sued him for breach of contract in Miami-Dade’s Eleventh Judicial Circuit. The ruling, dated October 11, 2018, set the amount at US$5.5 million plus US$660,594 in interest, close to US$6.16 million in total.
Arzú did not appear at the hearings of April 4 and 17, 2019. Judge Bárbara Areces held him in civil contempt and ordered his arrest, an order that can only be executed if he is in Florida. His defense argued that he was never served and that he had only signed a letter of intent; he called Rendón an “extortionist.” The PAN, his party at the time, stressed that it was a civil case and maintained its support.
“He has nothing in his name. He has no income of any kind, no salary, no allowance, the family gives him nothing, he has no assets, no fixed-term deposits, no shares, nothing.”
— Juan José Rendón, quoted by Nómada
The litigation also brought to light leaked conversations in which a certain “Hugo” would cover the debt to Rendón. The press attributed the reference to Argentine pharmaceutical businessman Hugo Sigman.
4. Presidency of Comunicaciones F.C. (1994–2006)
As reported by Nómada, Arzú directed Club Social y Deportivo Comunicaciones from 1994 to 2006, sharing the management duties with family members. A severe financial crisis hit the club in 2006, featuring a player strike concerning overdue salaries, which ultimately led to its sale to television mogul Ángel González, who assumed its liabilities. Certain members of the sports media blamed these troubles on excessive expenditures for player acquisitions, hotels, dining establishments, and travel.
Arzú returned to the club on February 8, 2017, as an adviser, under an agreement with González himself. On August 31, 2026, in the midst of the pre-campaign, the Guatefutbol website reported that he is seeking to take control of the team again.
5. Distrifarma and OMEGALAB: reported unpaid wages
Distrifarma Argentina S.A. was established in Guatemala in late January 2016, at the same time Rendón was hired. Its legal representatives were his son José Roberto Arzú Saravia, Osvin de León and Carlos Gómez. Together with OMEGALAB S.A., distributor of the “Sana Sana” products, it marked his entry into the pharmaceutical sector. Nómada maintains that Arzú controlled both companies even though his name did not appear in them.
One of the stated objectives involved selling vaccines to the State, a plan that never came to fruition. As Nómada reported, operations were halted by the firms just months later, resulting in pending salaries and pending lawsuits. Representing OMEGALAB was José Miguel Valladares Urruela, the brother of former Economy Minister Acisclo Valladares Urruela, an individual previously prosecuted on corruption charges.
6. Alleged unreported campaign financing
In November 2025, the digital outlet República reported that an audit had detected 558,000 quetzales in unbanked cash income in Arzú’s campaign finances, as well as unreported international financing, which is prohibited by the Electoral and Political Parties Law. Hugo Sigman’s name had already surfaced in 2019, when the same outlet asked whether he was the hopeful’s financier, based on the leaked conversations with Rendón.
In June 2019 Arzú described Sigman as a “great friend” of more than ten years, with whom he has “representation of several things” in Central America, but denied that Sigman was financing him. República puts the fines accumulated by Podemos in the 2019 and 2023 elections at more than US$100,000.
7. Audio and deeds involving “Paco” Domínguez, the supposed head of Los Caradura
Francisco Edgar Domínguez Higueros, known as “Paco,” was connected by the Public Prosecutor’s Office to “Los Caradura,” a retail narcotics ring active across multiple districts of the capital. On June 25, 2025, he was killed inside the basement of a Zone 10 building while stepping into his bulletproof SUV.
Toward the end of October 2025, an audio file featuring Domínguez and Arzú talking about a financial obligation started spreading around. Published reports present conflicting figures regarding the sums involved: El Metropolitano points to US$115,000 and cites Arzú dismissing it as “a deal between businessmen.” In the wake of this disclosure, lawmaker Luis Aguilar pulled his backing for Arzú within Cabal.
“Paco, we signed a contract with you to pay everything… I’m begging you.”
— Words attributed to Roberto Arzú in the audio, according to República’s transcript
República additionally covered public deeds dating back to March 2019 that purportedly document liabilities totaling US$700,000 and 4 million quetzales payable to Domínguez, backed by shares in IHOP Guatemala. Arzú verified to La Hora that one of the dialogues is genuine, yet clarified that it involved television ad sales: “I have been selling advertising since I was 20.” He mentioned he had no knowledge of Domínguez’s criminal connections. He neglected to reply to República’s questionnaire. No official charges exist, and the audio lacks any public forensic examination.
The same outlet noted that Dora Reneé Cruz Navas, the notary who allegedly authorized those deeds, disappeared on July 17, 2019, and remains the subject of an active Isabel-Claudina alert. No authority has linked that disappearance to Arzú.
8. US$1 million loan attributed to funds from Marllory Chacón
As reported by República, a 2018 public deed documents a US$1 million loan extended to Arzú by Rodrigo Lainfiesta Rímola, backed by his inheritance claims regarding his father’s estate. The English version of the investigation indicates that this debt was never settled.
Citing unidentified sources, the outlet traces the funds to Marllory Chacón Rossell, “the Queen of the South,” who was convicted of money laundering in the United States. The document has not been published in full, and Arzú has not responded publicly on this point.
9. Legal action brought by Consuelo Porras regarding the obstruction of criminal proceedings
Attorney General Consuelo Porras lodged a complaint against Arzú concerning the obstruction of criminal proceedings because of a TikTok clip wherein he stated he would oust her from the Public Prosecutor’s Office. He was ordered to appear for his initial testimony on November 25, 2025, at the Ninth Multi-Judge Criminal Court, which is headed by Judge Selman Mario Portillo Vargas.
The hearing did not take place because the case prosecutor failed to appear; the Public Prosecutor’s Office cited “material impossibility.” The judge had already denied the arrest warrant and more than twenty raids requested by the prosecution, which moved to recuse him the following day. The hearing was rescheduled for January 14, 2026, pending that recusal motion. An Appeals Chamber later rejected an amparo petition filed by the Public Prosecutor’s Office, and Plaza Pública reported another rejection in April 2026.
In a separate proceeding, in October 2025 a femicide court barred him from speaking publicly about Porras, a measure it revoked days later. Porras left office at the end of her term, in May 2026. She has been on the U.S. State Department’s Engel List since 2021.
10. Arzú’s grievances targeting Giammattei alongside the Public Ministry’s directors
On October 26, 2023, Arzú lodged a formal complaint against Alejandro Giammattei, who was then serving as President, alongside Miguel Martínez and several other officials, citing abuse of authority, neglect of duty, peddling influence, obstructing justice, and concealment. According to Prensa Libre, the filing named eleven individuals in total, which included magistrates from the TSE.
In October 2024, La Hora noted that the Public Prosecutor’s Office had dropped the legal action targeting Giammattei and Martínez. By May 18, 2026, following Porras’s departure from the leadership of the Public Prosecutor’s Office, Arzú revived the grievance and broadened its scope to encompass Rafael Curruchiche, Ángel Pineda, Cinthya Monterroso, and Dimas Jiménez.
11. República GT accusation concerning a suspected murder-for-hire scheme targeting Rodrigo Arenas
On August 13, 2026, Rodrigo Arenas, president of the digital outlet República GT, denounced a plot against his life and those of his team, in retaliation for his investigations into narco-politics. On August 17 the outlet published the names: Arzú as the alleged mastermind, along with the President of Congress, Luis Alberto Contreras Colindres, and congressmen Luis Aguirre, Nery Ramos and César Fión. According to the statement, the meetings were held at “La Yeguada 10,” a property attributed to Aguirre in San Marcos, with alleged drug traffickers from Malacatán.
At the time of publication, the news organization had failed to publicly release any supporting evidence. Following a visit to the Public Prosecutor’s Office accompanied by his legal counsel on August 21, Arzú declared that not a single complaint had been filed against him; conversely, Infobae reported that authorities confirmed the inquiry remains active. Without explicitly mentioning anyone, the U.S. Embassy reposted Arenas’s footage alongside a zero tolerance statement.
Arzú called the accusations “ridiculous and even stupid” and announced defamation lawsuits in Guatemala and the United States. Aguirre filed a countercomplaint and offered footage from his security cameras and polygraph tests. Contreras called Arenas a “psychopath” and “mentally deranged.” Ramos denied having taken part in any illicit meetings.
12. Earlier clash with Rodrigo Arenas (March 2026)
The dispute didn’t start in August. Back on March 5, 2026, during the “A Primera Hora” show on Emisoras Unidas, Arzú claimed that Arenas was financing his lobbying efforts using “questionable money originating from criminal syndicates and major corporations.” That very day, Arenas countered by stating that his advocacy work is funded through his own lawful wealth, while simultaneously alleging that Arzú maintains connections to Lainfiesta and Marllory Chacón.
República GT acts simultaneously as the author of multiple inquiries concerning Arzú and as an involved party in this dispute.
13. Rumor that his U.S. visa was revoked
On August 28, 2026, La Hora reported that, as stated by insiders, Arzú had supposedly encountered a travel restriction regarding the United States following his previous journey between July 17 and 24. That very day, allegations spread across social media platforms asserting that his visa had been canceled, alongside a parallel rumor concerning congressman Nery Ramos.
Arzú replied that he had just been in New York and Washington, and released a video from Mexico, which he said he had entered with his U.S. visa. Days later he spoke of an “influence operation” by the State Department against his candidacy. On September 2, Agencia Ocote concluded that there is no public evidence that he has lost his visa. The one who did lose his visa was his half-brother Álvaro Arzú Escobar, in December 2023, in a round of revocations targeting members of Congress; he regained it in February 2025.
14. Political alliances: Podemos, Portillo and Cabal
Podemos, the political organization he represented during the 2019 and 2023 electoral cycles, previously operated as the Movimiento Reformador before its official dissolution in January 2024. Back in 2019, Con Criterio reported on the sway held by fugitive ex-minister Alejandro Sinibaldi over that legislative faction. Furthermore, his 2023 vice-presidential partner, David Pineda, had served as a defense counsel for former President Alfonso Portillo, and certain accounts suggest a reconciliation between Arzú and Portillo.
On November 9, 2025, at Cabal’s National Assembly, Arzú took office as Secretary of Political Training and congressman Luis Aguirre as Secretary General. Edmond Mulet, the party’s founder, was sidelined, left Cabal and stated that the party “is falling into the hands of drug trafficking.” Aguirre is named in the same República GT accusation.
15. Rift with his family over the use of his father’s image
After his father’s death, Roberto sought a place in the Partido Unionista, the party through which Álvaro Arzú governed the capital; the press reported that his ambitions divided the party. On December 20, 2018, he announced his return to the PAN, where he had been a member until 2002.
That very same day, a statement surfaced on the former president’s Twitter profile, bearing the signatures of his widow, Patricia Escobar de Arzú, alongside Álvaro Arzú Escobar, Isabel Arzú Escobar de Arroyo, Diego Arzú García-Granados, and María Arzú García-Granados. Sorrow, unease, and total disapproval were conveyed in the text regarding the unscrupulous exploitation of Álvaro Arzú Irigoyen’s likeness by the PAN, an organization that had broadcasted footage of the former leader during the unveiling of its executive committee. Shortly thereafter, the message was taken down, omitting any direct reference to Roberto.
“No matter how much you raise all your children the same way, there are some the world leads astray, and there is no way to rescue them.”
— Isabel Arzú, the hopeful’s half-sister, in an October 2018 tweet cited by Nómada
Álvaro Arzú Escobar, then President of Congress, declined to comment on his half-brother.
16. Background regarding alcohol consumption and recovery
Back in 2019, Nómada disclosed that Arzú had twice undergone treatment at American rehabilitation facilities, noting his self-identification as a recovering alcoholic alongside family reports indicating he had maintained sobriety for four years then. During interviews, he has openly admitted to experiencing “a drinking crisis,” though without elaborating further.
In recent months, viral social media posts have insinuated that he currently drinks, without providing any evidence.
17. Campaign promises: fiscal viability and security rhetoric
Back in 2022, the media outlet Quorum evaluated his pledges relying on estimates provided by economist José Luis Moreira. Supplying gratis electricity across a decade would demand 7,104 million quetzales annually, representing 6.7% of the entire National General Budget. Meanwhile, a monthly university allowance of 1,200 quetzales would total 4,802 million per year for 400,213 scholars, surpassing the budget of the Universidad de San Carlos by more than double. Furthermore, nationwide drinking water access was planned to draw US$2 billion from international reserves, despite the Banco de Guatemala being legally barred from funding the central government. Additionally, the construction of one million residences was guaranteed.
On security, his rhetoric has been hard-line: the army on the streets, militarized prisons and the reinstatement of the death penalty. He opposed the CICIG. In 2017 President Jimmy Morales appointed him ad honorem special envoy to promote trade relations with South America. His 2019 slogan, “Make Guatemala Great,” was copied from Donald Trump’s.
18. Army Stadium land and IPM–Futeca contracts
On July 26, 2012, the Ministry of Finance transferred the site of the former Army Stadium, measuring 73,916.56 square varas and valued at 34.2 million quetzales, to the Military Social Security Institute (IPM). In February 2013 the law firm Lexincorp addressed a legal opinion to Roberto Arzú, as director of a company called Fideco, on the possibility of disposing of that land.
On January 22, 2016, the IPM signed two contracts with Futeca: one to draw up the plans and another, for fifty years, to build and operate a stadium for about 15,000 people, with parking and a shopping center. Comptroller General Carlos Mencos objected that the arrangement had “the characteristics of a concession or usufruct,” and in June 2016 the IPM rescinded the contracts.
There are conflicting accounts of Arzú’s role. Prensa Libre reported at the time that he “did not take part in the deal”; Con Criterio stated in 2019 that Futeca operated “in partnership with” him. Also in 2019, Futeca signed an agreement with the Universidad de San Carlos over the Los Arcos facilities, which congressman Amílcar Pop called illegal. In July 2024 the company launched the Distrito Futeca project on the former stadium site.
Sources Consulted
· Prensa Libre — TSE penalizes Roberto Arzú for early campaigning (2019). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/politica/tse-sanciona-a-roberto-arzu-por-propaganda-anticipada-en-redes-sociales/
· Prensa Libre — Arzú y Neto Bran no se libran de las multas del TSE (2019). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/politica/les-saldra-caro-roberto-arzu-y-neto-bran-no-se-libran-de-las-multas-del-tse/
· Emisoras Unidas — TSE revoca inscripción de Arzú y Pineda (2023). https://emisorasunidas.com/2023/02/06/tse-revoca-inscripcion-roberto-arzu-david-pineda-2023/
· Prensa Libre — CC confirms that Arzú is left out of the elections (2023). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/politica/cc-confirma-que-roberto-arzu-queda-afuera-de-las-elecciones-generales-de-guatemala-tras-declarar-sin-lugar-recursos-de-podemos-breaking/
· Emisoras Unidas — Miami civil contempt arrest warrant (2019). https://emisorasunidas.com/2019/04/24/corte-miami-orden-captura-roberto-arzu/
· Contra Corriente — The move by JJ Rendón against candidate Arzú (2019). https://contracorriente.red/2019/04/25/la-jugada-de-jj-rendon-al-candidato-roberto-arzu/
· Nómada — Despreciado por su familia, subestimado por todos (2019). https://nomada.gt/pais/elecciones-2019/despreciado-por-su-familia-subestimado-por-todos-roberto-arzu-se-lanza-al-estilo-trump/
· Prensa Libre — Roberto Arzú returns to the helm of Comunicaciones (2017). https://www.prensalibre.com/deportes/futbol-nacional/roberto-arzu-regresa-a-la-cupula-de-comunicaciones/
· Guatefutbol — Arzú quiere volver a tomar el mando de Comunicaciones (2026). https://guatefutbol.com/2026/08/31/roberto-arzu-quiere-volver-a-tomar-el-mando-de-comunicaciones/
· Relato.gt — «Solo somos amigos» con Hugo Sigman (2019). https://www.relato.gt/elecciones-2019/roberto-arzu-solo-somos-amigos-con-hugo-sigman/
· República — Narco panqueques (24.11.2025). https://republica.com/politica/roberto-arzu-garcia-granados-quiere-ser-presidente-y-pretende-hacerlo-con-narco-panqueques-202511246540
· República — Breakfast with the Cartel (24.11.2025). https://republica.com/politica/roberto-arzu-s-breakfast-with-the-cartel-guatemala-s-leading-narco-backed-presidential-bid-202511249550
· El Metropolitano — El audio del líder de Los Caradura (2025). https://elmetropolitano.com.gt/es/el-audio-de-lider-de-los-caradura-causa-la-caida-de-roberto-arzu-en-cabal/
· Prensa Libre — Ataque armado en la zona 10 (2025). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/sucesos/quien-era-el-hombre-que-murio-en-el-ataque-armado-en-la-zona-10-y-que-estaria-vinculado-con-los-caradura-breaking/
· Emisoras Unidas — Disculpa pública del Estado (27.01.2025). https://emisorasunidas.com/nacional/2025/01/27/estado-guatemala-roberto-arzu-cidh-violacion-derechos/
· Emisoras Unidas — Homologación de la CIDH (19.11.2025). https://emisorasunidas.com/nacional/2025/11/19/roberto-arzu-cidh-resolucion-candidato-elecciones-guatemala
· Prensa Libre — Arzú’s hearing in the Porras case has been called off (2025). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/justicia/suspenden-audiencia-de-roberto-arzu-por-caso-relacionado-con-consuelo-porras-y-la-reprograman-para-enero/
· Emisoras Unidas — MP recusa al juez del caso Arzú (26.11.2025). https://emisorasunidas.com/nacional/2025/11/26/ministerio-publico-recusacion-juez-caso-roberto-arzu
· Emisoras Unidas — Arzú amplía denuncia contra exfuncionarios (18.05.2026). https://emisorasunidas.com/nacional/2026/05/18/denuncia-arzu-ministerio-publico-feci-porras-giammattei/
· Infobae — Media outlet accuses a political leader and congressional representatives of plotting a contract killing (18.08.2026). https://www.infobae.com/guatemala/2026/08/18/guatemala-medio-de-comunicacion-acusa-a-lider-politico-y-diputados-de-planear-un-sicariato-contra-su-director-rodrigo-arenas/
· Infobae — Clash of narratives over the alleged plot against República GT (08.23.2026). https://www.infobae.com/guatemala/2026/08/23/en-guatemala-continua-el-cruce-de-versiones-por-un-supuesto-plan-en-contra-de-la-republica-gt-y-ex-diplomatico-pide-al-estado-proteja-a-los-periodistas/
· Emisoras Unidas — Rodrigo Arenas responde a Roberto Arzú (05.03.2026). https://emisorasunidas.com/nacional/2026/03/05/rodrigo-arenas-responde-a-roberto-arzu/
· La Hora — According to sources, Arzú faced travel restrictions to the U.S. (08.28.2026). https://lahora.gt/investigacion/smorales/2026/08/28/segun-fuentes-roberto-arzu-tuvo-limitacion-para-viajar-a-ee-uu-politico-lo-niega/
· Agencia Ocote — There is no public evidence showing that the visa was revoked (09.02.2026). https://www.agenciaocote.com/blog/2026/09/02/roberto-arzu-no-hay-evidencia-publica-de-que-haya-perdido-la-visa/
· La Hora — Arzú y Aguirre formalizan alianza en Cabal (09.11.2025). https://lahora.gt/nacionales/diego/2025/11/09/luis-aguirre-y-roberto-arzu-formalizan-alianza-politica-durante-la-asamblea-nacional-de-cabal/
· Publinews — Álvaro Arzú’s family rejects the use of his image (2018). https://www.publinews.gt/gt/noticias/2018/12/20/familia-alvaro-arzu-rechaza-uso-pan-le-dio-imagen.html
· Quorum — Las tres promesas que podrían quebrar al país (2022). https://quorum.gt/poder/elecciones-2023/estas-3-promesas-de-roberto-arzu-podrian-quebrar-al-pais/
· Prensa Libre — IPM evaluates terminating the lease of the Estadio del Ejército (2016). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/politica/ipm-evalua-rescindir-arrendamiento-del-estadio-del-ejercito/
· Con Criterio — Negocio entre la USAC y Futeca (2019). https://concriterio.gt/comision-de-transparencia-negocio-millonario-entre-la-usac-y-futeca-es-ilegal/
· Con Criterio — CID Gallup poll from May 2026. https://concriterio.gt/encuesta-torres-pineda-y-arzu-lideran-intencion-de-voto-y-thelma-aldana-emerge-en-cuarto-lugar/
